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Monday, December 31, 2007

၂၀၀၈ ဟာ--

I am just posting this new year message from my bro!

Monday, December 17, 2007

No good days for me

Everytime I read the News about Burma!! I never have happy days for Burma and myself since i've known deeply about Burma !!

Thursday, December 6, 2007

"The Tao of Pooh" (မွ်ေ၀ျခင္းပါ)

အႀကိဳက္ဆုံးအပိုဒ္နဲ႕စာေၾကာင္းေလးေတြကို မွ်ေ၀ထားတာပါ။

"It is not known as much of anything in particular".
( ဘာမွ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္ေျမာက္ေျမာက္ လူတိုင္းမသိႏိုင္ပါ။ ေယာင္၀ါး၀ါးပဲ။ )

"Many people are afraid of Emptiness, however, because it reminds them of Loneliness. Everything has to be filled in, it seems - appointment books, hillsides, vacant lots - but when all spaces are filled, the Loneliness really begins."
( ပိုင္ဆိုင္မွဳေတြ မ်ားျပားခ်င္တာ လူ႕သဘာ၀ပဲ။ ေက်ာ္ၾကားခ်င္မွဳ၊ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳခံခ်င္မွဳ၊ အရာရာ ေနရာေပးခံခ်င္မွဳ၊ ဒါက စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ ရာတပ္မက္မွဳ။ ရုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာကေတာ့ ေျပာစရာမလိုေတာ့။ ) ( ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဘာမွ မရွိမွဳဟာ ေအးခ်မ္းတယ္။ )

"To attain knowledge, add things every day. To attain wisdom, remove things every day".
( အသိပညာ ေနာက္ တေကာက္ေကာက္လိုက္ေနမွဳက တကယ္ေရာ ပညာရွိလာၾကသလား။ )

To know the Way,
We go the Way;
We do the Way
The way we do
The things we do
It's all there infront of you,
But if you try too hard to see it,
You'll only become Confused.

I am me,
And you are you,
As you can see;
But when you do
The things that you can do,
You will find the Way,
And the Way will follow you.


ဖတ္ၾကည့္ဖို႔တိုက္တြန္းပါတယ္။ အကုန္ေတာ့ ယူၿပီးမွန္တယ္လို႔ေတာ့ ေျပာမရပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ လက္သင့္ခံစရာေတြ အမ်ားႀကီးပဲ။

Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Saturday, November 24, 2007

မွတ္မွတ္ရေက်ာက္ပန္းေတာင္း (ဒီဗီဘီ)

မၾကည့္ရေသးေသာသူမ်ား ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ျမန္မာ့အသံမွာ သြားၾကည့္ဖို႔ တိုက္တြန္းပါရေစ။
၁၈ ႏို၀င္ဘာ ၂၀၀၇ ေန႔စြဲနဲ႔ပါ။
http://burmese.dvb.no/tvnews.php

Friday, November 23, 2007

ၾကခတ္၀ိုင္း ဘုန္းႀကီး၏ ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ သတင္းမ်ား (ဆုံဆည္းရာ cbox မွ ယူထားပါသည္)

ဆုံဆည္းရာ cbox မွ ကူးယူ ျဖန္႔ေ၀ထားျခင္းပါ။
လူဆိုး: လူသတ္ခိုင္းဆရာေတာ္ရဲ႔ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲေလးပါ
http://www.mediafire.com/?akt0tbntxyd

ၾကခတ္၀ိုင္း ဆရာေတာ္နဲ႔ ေက်ာင္းတိုက္က သံဃာေတြကို ပဲခူးၿမိဳ႕ခံေတြ သပိတ္ေမွာက္ 

http://aoab.blogspot.com/2007/11/blog-post_3740.html

http://www.deyea.org/2008/02/blog-post_01.html

http://www.bur.irrawaddy.org/index.php/news/5646-2011-02-03-11-33-07 

ၾကခတ္၀ိုင္း ႏွင့္ ငါတို႔ရဲ့ဘ၀ အေၾကာင္းတေစ့တေစာင္း

http://www.lankamsma.org/2007/11/blog-post_28.html

 

Thursday, November 22, 2007

Possible Air Strikes From US to Than Shwe's Home

http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=9395

An artist’s impression on striking at Than Shwe’s residence in Naypyidaw

Monday, November 19, 2007

ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္န႔ဲေတြ႔ဆံုျခင္း



ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ အေၾကာင္း တစ္စိပ္တစ္ပိုင္းကုိ ရာဇာလီပုံေဖာ္ထားပုံ ဧရာ၀တီ မဂၢဇင္းမွ ဘာသာျပန္ကို မဖတ္ရေသးသူမ်ား ဖတ္ရွဴဖို႔ တိုက္တြန္းပါရေစ။

Friday, November 16, 2007

စကၤာပူေရာက္ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ၿမန္မာမ်ား ၏ ၿမန္မာ့အေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲ

I got it to copy from here: http://burmapyithar.blogspot.com/
စကၤာပူေရာက္မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ၿမန္မာမ်ား ၏ ၿမန္မာ႕အေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲတစ္ခုကို 17 ရက္ေန႕စေနေန႕မွာ penisula Excelsior Hotel မွာ ညေန၅နာရီမွ စတင္ကာ က်င္းပမယ္လို႕သိရပါတယ္။ 17 ရက္ ေန႕ မွ 21 ရက္ေန႕ အထိ စကၤာပူမွာ က်င္းပေနတဲ႕ အာစီယံ ဆန္းမစ္ မွာ အာစီယံအဖြဲ႕၀င္နိုင္ ငံေတြ နဲ႕ တရုတ္၊ ဂ်ပန္ နဲ႕ အိႏိၵယ စတဲ႕ နိုင္ငံ ေတြက ေခါင္း ေဆာင္ေတြပါ တက္ေရာက္ က်မွာ ၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ေရႊ ၿမန္မာေတြအေနနဲ႕လည္း စစ္အစိုးရရဲ႕ လူမဆန္တဲ႕လုပ္ရက္ေတြကို ကမၻာ႕ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ေရွ႕မွာ ရႈပ္ခ်နိုင္မယ္႕ အခြင္႕အေရးကို လက္မလႊတ္ပဲ စံုစံုလင္လင္ နဲ႕ တက္ေရာက္ဖို႕တိုက္တြန္းလိုက္ပါတယ္။

မွတ္ခ်က္။ ဒီပြဲဟာေတာ္ေတာ္ေလးထူးၿခားပါတယ္။ ၿပည္ပေရာက္ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ၿမန္မာမ်ားအဖြဲ႕၊ လမ္းၿပၾကယ္၊ အိုးေ၀၊ သံလြင္အိမ္မက္၊ ဘားမားအက္ရွင္ စကၤာပူ၊ concern of burma၊ အခြန္ႏွစ္ထပ္မေပးေဆာင္ေရးအဖြဲ႕ နဲ႕ burma bloggers အဖြဲ႕မ်ားအားလံုး စံုညီစြာ စုစည္းၿပီးက်င္း ပတဲ႕ပြဲ မို႕လို႕ပါ။ ၿမန္မာ႕ အေရး ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာမွာ အားလံုးစည္းလံုးညီညြတ္စြာ စုစည္းေဆာင္ရြက္ရင္ ကၽြန္ေတာ္တို႕ရဲ႕ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတိုင္ ဟာမေ၀းတဲ႕အနာဂတ္မွာရရမွာပါ။

စကၤာပူႏိုင္ငံရွိမ်ိဳးခ်စ္ျမန္မာမ်ားဧ။္ ျမန္မာ့အေရးေဆြးေႏြးပြဲအခမ္းအနား
အခမ္းအနားတည္ေနရာ
EXCELSIOR HOTEL ; 5th Flr ( BESIDE PENINSULA PLAZA )


အခ်ိန္ ၊ ေန႕ရက္
5:30 pm To 8:30 pm, 17th November 2007 (Saturday)



အထူးပန္ၾကားခ်က္


ညေန ၄း၃၀တြင္ ဧည့္ၾကိဳေကာင္တာကို စတင္ဖြင့္လွစ္မည္ျဖစ္ပါ၍ အခ်ိန္မွန္မွန္ ၾကြေရာက္ခ်ီးျမွင့္ၾကပါရန္။


အနီေရာင္ေျပာင္အက်ီကို ဦးစားေပး၀တ္ဆင္လာေပးၾကပါရန္။


ၾကေရာက္လာၾကေသာ ဧည့္ပရိတ္သတ္မ်ား စိတ္အေႏွာင့္အယွက္ တစ္စံုတစ္ရာ မျဖစ္ေပၚေစရန္ တစ္ဖက္တစ္လမ္းမွ ကူညီပံ့ပုိးေသာအားျဖင့္ Camera မ်ား ယူေဆာင္လာၾကျခင္း မျပဳပါရန္ႏွင့္ Handphone မ်ားျဖင့္လည္း ရိုက္ကူးျခင္းမျပဳၾကပါရန

Wednesday, November 14, 2007

ေရးထားတာၾကာခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္ေသာ၊ ကိုယ္တိုင္ခံစားေရးထားေသာ စာစုေလးႏွစ္ခုကို ေ၀မွ်ျခင္းပါ



ေအာင္လံထူမဲ့စိတ္

အႏွစ္ (၆၀)ေျမာက္ဖက္ဆစ္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးေန႔ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ မဂၢဇင္းမွ ျပန္လည္ကူးယူေဖာ္ျပထားပါသည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားစာဆိုေတာ္ႀကီး ဆရာႀကီးဦးတင္မိုး၏ ကဗ်ာအမ်ားစုသည္ ျမန္မာျပည္စစ္အာဏာရွင္လက္ေအာက္မွ လြတ္ေျမာက္ဖုိ႔ အတြက္ ရဲစိတ္ရဲမာန္သြင္းေပးေသာ ရဲရဲေတာက္ကဗ်ာမ်ားျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဆရာႀကီး ေကာင္းရာသုဂတိလားပါေစ။

သမိုင္းအုတ္တခ်ပ္ဆင့္ဖို႔
အသက္နဲ႔ေတာင္ ရင္းခဲ့ရ
ခံျပင္းတက္ေခါက္
စိတ္ေတြလဲ မီးေတာက္
ဒူးေထာက္သူ ရင္ေကာ့သူ
လူအမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးနဲ႔ႀကံဳ
သူပုန္ တျဖစ္လဲ
ေအာင္ပြဲရဖို႔ ေရွ႕ခ်ီတက္
လက္တြဲစို႔ရဲေဘာ္
အနာဂတ္ကို ေမွ်ာ္ၾကမယ္။

ကိုယ္က်ဳိးကို ေျမျမွဳပ္
ကိုယ့္အထုပ္ ကိုယ္မပိုက္
တိုက္ပြဲသာ အသက္
တိုက္ရဲတာ လက္နက္
ေသြးစက္စက္ က်ေပေစ
အုတ္ျမစ္ခ်လူ႔ဗိမာန္
အက်ည္းမတန္ေစရ။

လူမွန္ရင္သတၱိရွိရမယ္
အသိစိတ္ျမင့္မား
တရားကိုခ်စ္တတ္ရမယ္။
အမွားႏြံမနစ္
တရားမြန္ခ်စ္တတ္မွ
ေလာကသစ္အုတ္တခ်ပ္
အနာဂတ္အတြက္ စီႏိုင္မယ္။

ေအာင္လံထူဖို႔
လြယ္ကူတဲ့ အလုပ္မဟုတ္။

အေခ်ာင္ကံထလို႔
ေအာင္လံမရႏိုင္။

ေနာင္အျမဲလွေစဖို႔
ေအာင္ပြဲအရ ခ်ီတက္ေလာ့။ ။

တင္မိုး
၂၈၊၀၁၊၂၀၀၅
ေသာၾကာေန႔လယ္ခင္း

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Resolution from SAIH's Annual Assembly 2007: Support to students in Burma, Colombia, Zimbabwe, and Western Sahara

The situation for students in Burma , Colombia , Zimbabwe and Western Sahara has in 2007 been very difficult. Although the conflicts in these countries receive international attention now and then, they are unfortunately soon forgotten. SAIH supports these students’ struggle for democracy, human rights, freedom of speech, and the right to education.

Students in Norway are following the situation for the students in these countries closely, and cooperate with them in order to secure their freedom of organization and speech.

SAIH thinks that Norway should acknowledge and actively support students in their fight for human rights, democracy, freedom of speech, the right to education and organization.

You will find attached a resolution that was passed at SAIH’s Annual Assembly in October 2007. The resolution has been sent to Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs at the Norwegian Parliament, and the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Download here:
http://download.yousendit.com/A162B7EB05A7C7C2





ဗမာႏိုင္ငံလုံးဆိုင္ရာ ေက်ာင္းသားသမဂၢမ်ား အဖြဲ႔ခ်ဴပ္ (ႏိုင္ငံျခားေရးရာေကာ္မတီ) group mail မွ ရရွိ၍ ျဖန္႔ခ်ီထားပါသည္။

The Battle of Beijing

By Mois้s Naํm


November/December 2007 (Foreign Policy Journal)

What happens when an authoritarian government and thousands of activists go head-to-head at the Olympics? China is about to find out.

You can always count on the Olympic Games to provide drama. Next year’s games in Beijing will be no different; they too will produce powerful stories and riveting television. But this time the images will not just be athletes overcoming the odds or breaking records. They will also focus on the clashes between the Chinese police and the activists who will arrive from all around the world. The causes that motivate their activism range from human rights to global warming, from Darfur to Tibet, from Christianity to Falun Gong. The clashes outside the stadiums are likely to be more intense and spectacular than the sports competitions taking place inside. And the showdown will be captured as much by the videocameras in the cell phones of protesters and spectators as any news agencies’ camera crews. In fact, the Beijing Olympics will not just offer another opportunity to test the limits of human athletic performance; it will also test the limits of a centralized police state’s ability to confront a nebulous swarm of foreign activists armed with BlackBerries. A governmental bureaucracy organized according to 20th-century principles will meet 21st-century global politics. Lenin meets YouTube.

The athletes are not the only ones training hard for the Olympics. The Chinese government and the activists are getting ready for the battle in Beijing, too. The Associated Press reports that China’s intelligence services, police, and government think tanks are compiling lists of foreign organizations and individuals in what has been described as one of the “broadest intelligence- collection drives Beijing has taken against foreign activist groups.” According to Xinhua, China’s official news agency, Zhou Yongkang, the minister of public security, has ordered the police during the games to “strictly guard against and strike hard at hostile forces at home and abroad.”

And the various “hostile forces” will test China’s mettle. In Prague, an organization called Olympic Watch was established in 2001 with the explicit mission of using the Beijing games as an occasion to challenge China’s policies on freedom of speech, the death penalty, Tibet, religious freedom, and forced labor camps. Darfur campaigners are calling the Beijing games the “Genocide Olympics” and are demanding that China stop supporting the Sudanese government. The Washington Post dubbed the games the “Saffron Olympics” to denounce China’s support for Burma’s murderous regime and the massacre of its saffron-clad monks.

This pressure is already on, a little less than a year before the games. What will happen when the games start and thousands of foreigners travel to Beijing not to watch the games but to try to change China? How will the authorities know that the old lady from Denmark is actually coming with her church group to protest China’s abortion policies, or that the young Australian couple is actually part of a militant environmental organization? In short, what if the $40 billion the government is spending to showcase modern China yields the ugly global image of a thuggish regime?

It’s fair to say that the Chinese government probably had no idea what it was getting into when it applied to host the Olympics in 2000. The world—and China’s place in it—have changed substantially since then, making the challenge for an authoritarian regime hosting the world games far greater than it might have imagined. Back then, Chinese companies had not yet become as active investing in pariah states that no other company would dare touch. In 2004, for example, China surpassed Iran to become the largest military supplier to Sudan. In 2005, a new pope took a strong stance against China’s persecution of Christians and went as far as excommunicating the Catholic bishops sanctioned by the Chinese regime. China’s environmental degradation was far less of a global concern seven years ago. Its exchange rate, tainted products, and aggressive trade practices had not become the lightning rod that they are now.

But perhaps the changes that most threaten China’s political performance during the Olympics are that the number of Chinese cell-phone users has boomed from 140 million to more than 600 million since 2001, while the number of Chinese Internet users has soared from 17 million to 162 million since 2000. Bloggers, chat rooms, social networks, and other online communities were far less prevalent seven years ago than they are today. And the development of Web-enabled cell phones that can double as videocameras is made even more politically consequential by the rise of YouTube, which was founded less than three years ago.

No public relations campaign, regardless of how massive, can alter reality. And the reality is that thousands of protesters with causes that enjoy public support around the world—and in China—will stage highly visible and creative protests during the Olympic Games. It is equally true that the Chinese government will try to suppress them. Inevitably, thousands of videocameras will record the ensuing battle. The path from the streets of Beijing to YouTube will be almost impossible for the regime to monitor and blockade.

Of course, the other option for the Chinese government is to agree to some of what the protesters demand. And slowly, modestly, it has already begun to do so by, for example, nudging Sudan to accept international peacekeepers. But the demands are too many and too varied. Many seek to alter the very nature of the regime and the political and economic power upon which it is based. Therefore, the government will inevitably attempt to control and repress the activists. And that will be a new and frustrating experience for a centralized government that is not used to containing well-organized, media-savvy foreigners who work through highly decentralized, international, nongovernmental organizations that know how to mobilize public opinion to advance their causes.

The 2008 Olympic Games promise to be a great spectacle. And we will all be watching.

Mois้s Naํm is editor in chief of Foreign Policy