http://operationnargis.org/
http://operationnargis.blogspot.com/
Tuesday, June 10, 2008
Friday, May 30, 2008
Student leader "Myo Yan Naung Thein" needs immediate medical attention otherwise he will be at risk of dying.
His health situation is worsening and deteriorating more and more. He has been vomiting everyday and fear of paralyze as well. He must have specialist treatment very urgently in order to take timely action to save his life.
Worst is that because of requesting permission to get medical treatment, prison authorites put him in solitary confinement at mental ward just to be degrading purposely and as the punishment.
"Myo Yan Naung Thein" is one of the leading members of 88-Generation Student and prominent leader of 1996 student demonstrations. He was sentenced to prison for 7 years in 1997 due to his firm determination in restoration of democracy and working for democratisation of Burma.
He was arrested second time on 14 December 2007 after Saffron Revolution when regime cracked down on political dissidents. He was severely tortured in both times during interrogations.
"Denying medical treatment to political prisoner (Myo Yan Naung Thein) is like giving death sentence to him. This is very inhumane and very brutal treatment of military regime", said Myo Thein, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in United Kingdom.
"We are very seriously worrying about his worsen health condition and his safety. Time is life and death in Burma. Political prisoners are facing very grave danger at the hands of brutal military regime", said Khin Maung Win, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in United States.
"We demand the military regime to give Myo Yan Naung Thein urgent medical attention and urge the world leaders to voice for him and for all the political prisoners", said Kyaw Lin Oo, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in Thailand.
Political prisoners face lack of medical attention and treatment as well as more inhumane and degrading treatment when the world attention divert on them.
For more information contact,
Myo Thein
00-44-78 7788 2386
[United Kingdom]
Khin Maung Win
00 194196126 22
[United States]
Kyaw Lin Oo
00 664107 9352
[Thailand]
www.bdcburma.org
Worst is that because of requesting permission to get medical treatment, prison authorites put him in solitary confinement at mental ward just to be degrading purposely and as the punishment.
"Myo Yan Naung Thein" is one of the leading members of 88-Generation Student and prominent leader of 1996 student demonstrations. He was sentenced to prison for 7 years in 1997 due to his firm determination in restoration of democracy and working for democratisation of Burma.
He was arrested second time on 14 December 2007 after Saffron Revolution when regime cracked down on political dissidents. He was severely tortured in both times during interrogations.
"Denying medical treatment to political prisoner (Myo Yan Naung Thein) is like giving death sentence to him. This is very inhumane and very brutal treatment of military regime", said Myo Thein, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in United Kingdom.
"We are very seriously worrying about his worsen health condition and his safety. Time is life and death in Burma. Political prisoners are facing very grave danger at the hands of brutal military regime", said Khin Maung Win, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in United States.
"We demand the military regime to give Myo Yan Naung Thein urgent medical attention and urge the world leaders to voice for him and for all the political prisoners", said Kyaw Lin Oo, Director of Burma Democratic Concern in Thailand.
Political prisoners face lack of medical attention and treatment as well as more inhumane and degrading treatment when the world attention divert on them.
For more information contact,
Myo Thein
00-44-78 7788 2386
[United Kingdom]
Khin Maung Win
00 194196126 22
[United States]
Kyaw Lin Oo
00 664107 9352
[Thailand]
www.bdcburma.org
Sunday, May 4, 2008
နာဂစ္ မုန္တိုင္း အတြက္ ပ်က္စီးသြားမွဳမ်ားကို လတ္တေလာ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး
.....ခ်စ္ေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သား မ်ဳိးခ်စ္ ဘေလာ့ခ္ဂါမ်ားသို႔ ႏိုးေဆာ္ျခင္း.....
မုန္တိုင္းဒဏ္ေၾကာင့္ ပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဴံးသြားေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားအမ်ား အတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ေထာက္ပံ့ကူညီေရး
(အသက္အိုးအိမ္ပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဴံးသြားေသာ သူမ်ားထံ တဆင့္ခံမဟုတ္ပဲ တိုက္ရိုက္ အကူအညီမ်ား အလ်င္အျမန္ ေရာက္ရွိေရး အစီအစဥ္အား လတ္တေလာ ေဆာ္ၾသရန္) မိမိဘေလာ့၏ initiative rescue mission ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ားထံမွ အလ်င္အျမန္ အကူအညီေတာင္းဖုိ႔ရန္ တိုက္တြန္းအပ္ပါသည္ခင္ဗ်ား..... ဒီခ်ဴပ္အဖြဲ႔၏ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး mission တစ္ခုကို အလ်င္အျမန္ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ကိုလည္း မိမိ၏ ဘေလာ့ခ္မွ တိုက္တြန္းေဆာ္ၾသရန္ အႀကံျပဳအပ္ပါသည္ခင္ဗ်ား....
မုန္တိုင္းဒဏ္ေၾကာင့္ ပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဴံးသြားေသာ ျမန္မာျပည္သူျပည္သားအမ်ား အတြက္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ ေထာက္ပံ့ကူညီေရး
(အသက္အိုးအိမ္ပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဴံးသြားေသာ သူမ်ားထံ တဆင့္ခံမဟုတ္ပဲ တိုက္ရိုက္ အကူအညီမ်ား အလ်င္အျမန္ ေရာက္ရွိေရး အစီအစဥ္အား လတ္တေလာ ေဆာ္ၾသရန္) မိမိဘေလာ့၏ initiative rescue mission ႏွင့္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အဆက္အသြယ္မ်ားထံမွ အလ်င္အျမန္ အကူအညီေတာင္းဖုိ႔ရန္ တိုက္တြန္းအပ္ပါသည္ခင္ဗ်ား..... ဒီခ်ဴပ္အဖြဲ႔၏ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရး mission တစ္ခုကို အလ်င္အျမန္ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ကိုလည္း မိမိ၏ ဘေလာ့ခ္မွ တိုက္တြန္းေဆာ္ၾသရန္ အႀကံျပဳအပ္ပါသည္ခင္ဗ်ား....
Thursday, May 1, 2008
Wednesday, April 30, 2008
Tuesday, April 29, 2008
Monday, April 28, 2008
Sunday, April 27, 2008
Friday, April 25, 2008
Monday, April 21, 2008
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO VOTE NO
Friday, April 18, 2008
Wednesday, April 9, 2008
Monday, April 7, 2008
အေမ လူထု ေဒၚအမာ ဒီမနက္ ၈း၃၇ နာရီတြင္ ကြယ္လြန္ၿပီ....

http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/
အေမ ျမင္ခ်င္ေသာ လြတ္လပ္ေသာ၊ တရားမွ်တေသာ၊ စစ္မွန္ေသာ ဒီမိုကေရစီ ရွိေသာ အမိျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံႀကီး အျမန္ဆုံးျဖစ္ထြန္းေပၚေပါက္ ေအာင္ က်ေနာ္တို႔ သက္ဆုံးထိတိုင္ ဆက္လက္လုပ္ေဆာင္သြားပါမည္.....
Friday, March 28, 2008
Students paste Anti-referendum Posters

from here
All Kachin Students Union (AKSU) pasted yesterday (March 25, 2008) about 600 A-4 sized anti-constitutional referendum posters in the two major cities in Kachin State, Northern Burma --- Myitkyina and Waingmaw
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
Factions within junta draw battle lines
http://www.bangkokpost.com/News/26Mar2008_news27.php
Bangkok Post, 26 March 2008
BURMA
Factions within junta draw battle lines
LARRY JAGAN
Tomorrow is Army Day in Burma _ the moment the country’s military leaders show a united front in a pompous ceremony in the new capital, Naypyidaw, that is held every year. The junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, has imported another new Mercedes Benz to stand in as he leads the parade. He brought a new one in last year for the same occasion.
But underneath this show of unity is the start of a new battle for Burma’s future. This time it is not between the monks and the military, as it was last year, but between two factions in the army.
In the past few months a major rift has emerged within Burma’s military government over the country’s political future. At the centre of the conflict is who should control the roadmap _ Burma ’s plans for political change.
The confrontation is now beginning to take shape _ between those who are currently in control of Burma’s government and the country’s economic wealth, and those who see themselves as the nation’s guardians and wish to protect the country from unscrupulous officials.
The junta is no longer cohesive and united, as two major camps have clearly emerged. On one side there are the ministers and members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) who have major business interests and are associated with Gen Than Shwe’s brainchild, the mass community-based Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).
On the other side are the top ranking generals _ loosely grouped around the second in command, General Maung Aye _ who want a professional army and see its main role as protector of the people.
They have become increasingly dismayed at the corruption within government and understand that it is undermining the army’s future role in the country.
As the war between these two groups begins to escalate, Gen Than Shwe’s rapidly deteriorating health has effectively left the country without a real leader. The result is total inertia in government administration and a growing fear that one of the contesting factions may launch a ‘’soft coup” in the near future, according to Burmese military sources.
But the ”real” army, as these officers under Gen Maung Aye view themselves, is going to have to act quickly if it is to remain a force to be reckoned with.
The planned referendum for May and the election in two years’ time will radically change the country’s political landscape.
The USDA, which is organising both the referendum and the elections, will significantly increase its power and control over the country’s new emerging political process.
Senior members of the army are increasingly resentful of the growing dominance of the USDA and the likely curtailment of the army’s authority after the May referendum. ”It will bring an abrupt end to the army’s absolute power,” said a Burmese government official.
At the centre of this emerging battle for supremacy is the growing division within the army between those who graduated from the Officers Training School (OTS) like Gen Than Shwe, and those who went to the Defence Services Academy (DSA) like Gen Maung Aye.
Many cabinet ministers associated with the USDA are from the OTS, as are several hardliners within the ruling SPDC, though some no longer have operational commands. These leaders are known to have the ear of Gen Than Shwe and have convinced him to take an uncompromising stand against detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
These key ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung, Fisheries Minister Maung Maung Thein (who is also head of the powerful Myanmar Investment Commission), Construction Minister Saw Htun and Agriculture Minister Htay Oo (who is also a key leader of the USDA), are notorious hardliners and amongst the most corrupt members of the government.
They have all amassed huge personal fortunes from smuggling and kickbacks. ”These fellows are out of control and racking up the money from bribery and fraud _ not even Maung Aye, who despises excessive corruption, can touch them,” a Burmese military source told the Bangkok Post on condition of anonymity.
Everyone seems powerless to stop them at present, according to Burmese government sources. ”They are known as ‘the Nazis’ within the top ranks of the army,” according to a Burmese businessman with close links to the military hierarchy. ”They have the money and they have their own militia.”
Many in the army now fear that this group _ with some senior officers in the SPDC, current or former heads of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) _ are planning a grab for power using the USDA as a front. ”They are the real enemies of the people,” said the Burmese businessman.
There are growing numbers within the army that are viewing these developments with increasing concern. There is mounting resentment and frustration amongst the junior officers in Naypyidaw. Many of the junior officers are divisional commanders, aged between 47 and 55. These are the army’s ”young Turks”, who are alarmed at the way in which the USDA is growing in influence at the expense of the army.
”They are watching their unscrupulous colleagues, hiding behind the uniform, building up massive fortunes from corruption in government and they are worried that this tarnishes the image of the army,” said a source in Naypyidaw.
”It’s time to get rid of the OTS bastards,” an officer recently told a visiting businessman. But so far there are no signs of a palace coup. Many officers may feel aggrieved, but there is no open discussion as yet about doing anything in practice. ”The climate of fear that pervades the whole country is also prevalent in the military,” according to a Thai military intelligence officer.
This resentment is going to continue to simmer. They know that after the referendum in May their position will become increasingly less significant, as ministers and selected military generals move into the USDA and take up civilian roles in the future. At the same time they fear that widespread corruption will also destroy the country and its political stability.
”The ‘real’ army is the only institution that can bring genuine democracy to the country in the future,” a military man told the Bangkok Post. ”The new generation of officers represent the real hope for the country.” They would be open to a political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, he insisted, as they see themselves as the real guardians of the country.
Bangkok Post, 26 March 2008
BURMA
Factions within junta draw battle lines
LARRY JAGAN
Tomorrow is Army Day in Burma _ the moment the country’s military leaders show a united front in a pompous ceremony in the new capital, Naypyidaw, that is held every year. The junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, has imported another new Mercedes Benz to stand in as he leads the parade. He brought a new one in last year for the same occasion.
But underneath this show of unity is the start of a new battle for Burma’s future. This time it is not between the monks and the military, as it was last year, but between two factions in the army.
In the past few months a major rift has emerged within Burma’s military government over the country’s political future. At the centre of the conflict is who should control the roadmap _ Burma ’s plans for political change.
The confrontation is now beginning to take shape _ between those who are currently in control of Burma’s government and the country’s economic wealth, and those who see themselves as the nation’s guardians and wish to protect the country from unscrupulous officials.
The junta is no longer cohesive and united, as two major camps have clearly emerged. On one side there are the ministers and members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) who have major business interests and are associated with Gen Than Shwe’s brainchild, the mass community-based Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).
On the other side are the top ranking generals _ loosely grouped around the second in command, General Maung Aye _ who want a professional army and see its main role as protector of the people.
They have become increasingly dismayed at the corruption within government and understand that it is undermining the army’s future role in the country.
As the war between these two groups begins to escalate, Gen Than Shwe’s rapidly deteriorating health has effectively left the country without a real leader. The result is total inertia in government administration and a growing fear that one of the contesting factions may launch a ‘’soft coup” in the near future, according to Burmese military sources.
But the ”real” army, as these officers under Gen Maung Aye view themselves, is going to have to act quickly if it is to remain a force to be reckoned with.
The planned referendum for May and the election in two years’ time will radically change the country’s political landscape.
The USDA, which is organising both the referendum and the elections, will significantly increase its power and control over the country’s new emerging political process.
Senior members of the army are increasingly resentful of the growing dominance of the USDA and the likely curtailment of the army’s authority after the May referendum. ”It will bring an abrupt end to the army’s absolute power,” said a Burmese government official.
At the centre of this emerging battle for supremacy is the growing division within the army between those who graduated from the Officers Training School (OTS) like Gen Than Shwe, and those who went to the Defence Services Academy (DSA) like Gen Maung Aye.
Many cabinet ministers associated with the USDA are from the OTS, as are several hardliners within the ruling SPDC, though some no longer have operational commands. These leaders are known to have the ear of Gen Than Shwe and have convinced him to take an uncompromising stand against detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
These key ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung, Fisheries Minister Maung Maung Thein (who is also head of the powerful Myanmar Investment Commission), Construction Minister Saw Htun and Agriculture Minister Htay Oo (who is also a key leader of the USDA), are notorious hardliners and amongst the most corrupt members of the government.
They have all amassed huge personal fortunes from smuggling and kickbacks. ”These fellows are out of control and racking up the money from bribery and fraud _ not even Maung Aye, who despises excessive corruption, can touch them,” a Burmese military source told the Bangkok Post on condition of anonymity.
Everyone seems powerless to stop them at present, according to Burmese government sources. ”They are known as ‘the Nazis’ within the top ranks of the army,” according to a Burmese businessman with close links to the military hierarchy. ”They have the money and they have their own militia.”
Many in the army now fear that this group _ with some senior officers in the SPDC, current or former heads of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) _ are planning a grab for power using the USDA as a front. ”They are the real enemies of the people,” said the Burmese businessman.
There are growing numbers within the army that are viewing these developments with increasing concern. There is mounting resentment and frustration amongst the junior officers in Naypyidaw. Many of the junior officers are divisional commanders, aged between 47 and 55. These are the army’s ”young Turks”, who are alarmed at the way in which the USDA is growing in influence at the expense of the army.
”They are watching their unscrupulous colleagues, hiding behind the uniform, building up massive fortunes from corruption in government and they are worried that this tarnishes the image of the army,” said a source in Naypyidaw.
”It’s time to get rid of the OTS bastards,” an officer recently told a visiting businessman. But so far there are no signs of a palace coup. Many officers may feel aggrieved, but there is no open discussion as yet about doing anything in practice. ”The climate of fear that pervades the whole country is also prevalent in the military,” according to a Thai military intelligence officer.
This resentment is going to continue to simmer. They know that after the referendum in May their position will become increasingly less significant, as ministers and selected military generals move into the USDA and take up civilian roles in the future. At the same time they fear that widespread corruption will also destroy the country and its political stability.
”The ‘real’ army is the only institution that can bring genuine democracy to the country in the future,” a military man told the Bangkok Post. ”The new generation of officers represent the real hope for the country.” They would be open to a political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, he insisted, as they see themselves as the real guardians of the country.
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