from here
All Kachin Students Union (AKSU) pasted yesterday (March 25, 2008) about 600 A-4 sized anti-constitutional referendum posters in the two major cities in Kachin State, Northern Burma --- Myitkyina and Waingmaw
Friday, March 28, 2008
Students paste Anti-referendum Posters
from here
All Kachin Students Union (AKSU) pasted yesterday (March 25, 2008) about 600 A-4 sized anti-constitutional referendum posters in the two major cities in Kachin State, Northern Burma --- Myitkyina and Waingmaw
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
Factions within junta draw battle lines
http://www.bangkokpost.com/News/26Mar2008_news27.php
Bangkok Post, 26 March 2008
BURMA
Factions within junta draw battle lines
LARRY JAGAN
Tomorrow is Army Day in Burma _ the moment the country’s military leaders show a united front in a pompous ceremony in the new capital, Naypyidaw, that is held every year. The junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, has imported another new Mercedes Benz to stand in as he leads the parade. He brought a new one in last year for the same occasion.
But underneath this show of unity is the start of a new battle for Burma’s future. This time it is not between the monks and the military, as it was last year, but between two factions in the army.
In the past few months a major rift has emerged within Burma’s military government over the country’s political future. At the centre of the conflict is who should control the roadmap _ Burma ’s plans for political change.
The confrontation is now beginning to take shape _ between those who are currently in control of Burma’s government and the country’s economic wealth, and those who see themselves as the nation’s guardians and wish to protect the country from unscrupulous officials.
The junta is no longer cohesive and united, as two major camps have clearly emerged. On one side there are the ministers and members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) who have major business interests and are associated with Gen Than Shwe’s brainchild, the mass community-based Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).
On the other side are the top ranking generals _ loosely grouped around the second in command, General Maung Aye _ who want a professional army and see its main role as protector of the people.
They have become increasingly dismayed at the corruption within government and understand that it is undermining the army’s future role in the country.
As the war between these two groups begins to escalate, Gen Than Shwe’s rapidly deteriorating health has effectively left the country without a real leader. The result is total inertia in government administration and a growing fear that one of the contesting factions may launch a ‘’soft coup” in the near future, according to Burmese military sources.
But the ”real” army, as these officers under Gen Maung Aye view themselves, is going to have to act quickly if it is to remain a force to be reckoned with.
The planned referendum for May and the election in two years’ time will radically change the country’s political landscape.
The USDA, which is organising both the referendum and the elections, will significantly increase its power and control over the country’s new emerging political process.
Senior members of the army are increasingly resentful of the growing dominance of the USDA and the likely curtailment of the army’s authority after the May referendum. ”It will bring an abrupt end to the army’s absolute power,” said a Burmese government official.
At the centre of this emerging battle for supremacy is the growing division within the army between those who graduated from the Officers Training School (OTS) like Gen Than Shwe, and those who went to the Defence Services Academy (DSA) like Gen Maung Aye.
Many cabinet ministers associated with the USDA are from the OTS, as are several hardliners within the ruling SPDC, though some no longer have operational commands. These leaders are known to have the ear of Gen Than Shwe and have convinced him to take an uncompromising stand against detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
These key ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung, Fisheries Minister Maung Maung Thein (who is also head of the powerful Myanmar Investment Commission), Construction Minister Saw Htun and Agriculture Minister Htay Oo (who is also a key leader of the USDA), are notorious hardliners and amongst the most corrupt members of the government.
They have all amassed huge personal fortunes from smuggling and kickbacks. ”These fellows are out of control and racking up the money from bribery and fraud _ not even Maung Aye, who despises excessive corruption, can touch them,” a Burmese military source told the Bangkok Post on condition of anonymity.
Everyone seems powerless to stop them at present, according to Burmese government sources. ”They are known as ‘the Nazis’ within the top ranks of the army,” according to a Burmese businessman with close links to the military hierarchy. ”They have the money and they have their own militia.”
Many in the army now fear that this group _ with some senior officers in the SPDC, current or former heads of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) _ are planning a grab for power using the USDA as a front. ”They are the real enemies of the people,” said the Burmese businessman.
There are growing numbers within the army that are viewing these developments with increasing concern. There is mounting resentment and frustration amongst the junior officers in Naypyidaw. Many of the junior officers are divisional commanders, aged between 47 and 55. These are the army’s ”young Turks”, who are alarmed at the way in which the USDA is growing in influence at the expense of the army.
”They are watching their unscrupulous colleagues, hiding behind the uniform, building up massive fortunes from corruption in government and they are worried that this tarnishes the image of the army,” said a source in Naypyidaw.
”It’s time to get rid of the OTS bastards,” an officer recently told a visiting businessman. But so far there are no signs of a palace coup. Many officers may feel aggrieved, but there is no open discussion as yet about doing anything in practice. ”The climate of fear that pervades the whole country is also prevalent in the military,” according to a Thai military intelligence officer.
This resentment is going to continue to simmer. They know that after the referendum in May their position will become increasingly less significant, as ministers and selected military generals move into the USDA and take up civilian roles in the future. At the same time they fear that widespread corruption will also destroy the country and its political stability.
”The ‘real’ army is the only institution that can bring genuine democracy to the country in the future,” a military man told the Bangkok Post. ”The new generation of officers represent the real hope for the country.” They would be open to a political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, he insisted, as they see themselves as the real guardians of the country.
Bangkok Post, 26 March 2008
BURMA
Factions within junta draw battle lines
LARRY JAGAN
Tomorrow is Army Day in Burma _ the moment the country’s military leaders show a united front in a pompous ceremony in the new capital, Naypyidaw, that is held every year. The junta chief, Senior General Than Shwe, has imported another new Mercedes Benz to stand in as he leads the parade. He brought a new one in last year for the same occasion.
But underneath this show of unity is the start of a new battle for Burma’s future. This time it is not between the monks and the military, as it was last year, but between two factions in the army.
In the past few months a major rift has emerged within Burma’s military government over the country’s political future. At the centre of the conflict is who should control the roadmap _ Burma ’s plans for political change.
The confrontation is now beginning to take shape _ between those who are currently in control of Burma’s government and the country’s economic wealth, and those who see themselves as the nation’s guardians and wish to protect the country from unscrupulous officials.
The junta is no longer cohesive and united, as two major camps have clearly emerged. On one side there are the ministers and members of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) who have major business interests and are associated with Gen Than Shwe’s brainchild, the mass community-based Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA).
On the other side are the top ranking generals _ loosely grouped around the second in command, General Maung Aye _ who want a professional army and see its main role as protector of the people.
They have become increasingly dismayed at the corruption within government and understand that it is undermining the army’s future role in the country.
As the war between these two groups begins to escalate, Gen Than Shwe’s rapidly deteriorating health has effectively left the country without a real leader. The result is total inertia in government administration and a growing fear that one of the contesting factions may launch a ‘’soft coup” in the near future, according to Burmese military sources.
But the ”real” army, as these officers under Gen Maung Aye view themselves, is going to have to act quickly if it is to remain a force to be reckoned with.
The planned referendum for May and the election in two years’ time will radically change the country’s political landscape.
The USDA, which is organising both the referendum and the elections, will significantly increase its power and control over the country’s new emerging political process.
Senior members of the army are increasingly resentful of the growing dominance of the USDA and the likely curtailment of the army’s authority after the May referendum. ”It will bring an abrupt end to the army’s absolute power,” said a Burmese government official.
At the centre of this emerging battle for supremacy is the growing division within the army between those who graduated from the Officers Training School (OTS) like Gen Than Shwe, and those who went to the Defence Services Academy (DSA) like Gen Maung Aye.
Many cabinet ministers associated with the USDA are from the OTS, as are several hardliners within the ruling SPDC, though some no longer have operational commands. These leaders are known to have the ear of Gen Than Shwe and have convinced him to take an uncompromising stand against detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her party, the National League for Democracy (NLD).
These key ministers, including Industry Minister Aung Thaung, Fisheries Minister Maung Maung Thein (who is also head of the powerful Myanmar Investment Commission), Construction Minister Saw Htun and Agriculture Minister Htay Oo (who is also a key leader of the USDA), are notorious hardliners and amongst the most corrupt members of the government.
They have all amassed huge personal fortunes from smuggling and kickbacks. ”These fellows are out of control and racking up the money from bribery and fraud _ not even Maung Aye, who despises excessive corruption, can touch them,” a Burmese military source told the Bangkok Post on condition of anonymity.
Everyone seems powerless to stop them at present, according to Burmese government sources. ”They are known as ‘the Nazis’ within the top ranks of the army,” according to a Burmese businessman with close links to the military hierarchy. ”They have the money and they have their own militia.”
Many in the army now fear that this group _ with some senior officers in the SPDC, current or former heads of the Bureau of Special Operations (BSO) _ are planning a grab for power using the USDA as a front. ”They are the real enemies of the people,” said the Burmese businessman.
There are growing numbers within the army that are viewing these developments with increasing concern. There is mounting resentment and frustration amongst the junior officers in Naypyidaw. Many of the junior officers are divisional commanders, aged between 47 and 55. These are the army’s ”young Turks”, who are alarmed at the way in which the USDA is growing in influence at the expense of the army.
”They are watching their unscrupulous colleagues, hiding behind the uniform, building up massive fortunes from corruption in government and they are worried that this tarnishes the image of the army,” said a source in Naypyidaw.
”It’s time to get rid of the OTS bastards,” an officer recently told a visiting businessman. But so far there are no signs of a palace coup. Many officers may feel aggrieved, but there is no open discussion as yet about doing anything in practice. ”The climate of fear that pervades the whole country is also prevalent in the military,” according to a Thai military intelligence officer.
This resentment is going to continue to simmer. They know that after the referendum in May their position will become increasingly less significant, as ministers and selected military generals move into the USDA and take up civilian roles in the future. At the same time they fear that widespread corruption will also destroy the country and its political stability.
”The ‘real’ army is the only institution that can bring genuine democracy to the country in the future,” a military man told the Bangkok Post. ”The new generation of officers represent the real hope for the country.” They would be open to a political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, he insisted, as they see themselves as the real guardians of the country.
Wednesday, March 19, 2008
The arrests of ABFSU leaders in Burma
Ko Kyaw Ko Ko and Ko Nyan Lin Aung have been arrested by SPDC junta 16 June, 2008!!
ကိုေက်ာ္ကိုကို တို႔ကို ဖမ္းဆီးလိုက္လို႔ ဗကသ လွဳပ္ရွားဖြဲ႕စည္းမွဳ အရွိန္အဟုန္ ရပ္တန္႔သြားမွာ မဟုတ္ပါ၊ မၾကာခင္ ကိုေက်ာ္ကိုကို ေပါင္းေျမာက္ျမားစြာ ေခတ္အေျခအေနေျပာင္းလဲဖို႔အတြက္ အလ်င္အျမန္ေမြးဖြားလာအုံးမွာပါ။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ဟာ နအဖ ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆုံး အသက္မွ်င္းမွ်င္းက်န္ေနတဲ့ ႀကိဳးစကိုျဖတ္ဖို႔ STRONG VOTE NO REFERENDUM
ကိုေက်ာ္ကိုကို တို႔ကို ဖမ္းဆီးလိုက္လို႔ ဗကသ လွဳပ္ရွားဖြဲ႕စည္းမွဳ အရွိန္အဟုန္ ရပ္တန္႔သြားမွာ မဟုတ္ပါ၊ မၾကာခင္ ကိုေက်ာ္ကိုကို ေပါင္းေျမာက္ျမားစြာ ေခတ္အေျခအေနေျပာင္းလဲဖို႔အတြက္ အလ်င္အျမန္ေမြးဖြားလာအုံးမွာပါ။ ၂၀၀၈ ခုႏွစ္ဟာ နအဖ ရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆုံး အသက္မွ်င္းမွ်င္းက်န္ေနတဲ့ ႀကိဳးစကိုျဖတ္ဖို႔ STRONG VOTE NO REFERENDUM
Tuesday, March 18, 2008
ကိုဗမာျပည္သားဆီမွ ကူးယူၿပီး ျဖန္႔ေ၀ထားျခင္းပါ....
ဒီမွ ယူၿပီးျဖန္႔ေ၀ထားျခင္းပါ.....http://burmapyithar.iblogger.org/?p=92#comment-8
၁၀ႏွစ္အရြယ္ ကေလးငယ္ေလးတစ္ဦးက အရြယ္မေရာက္ေသးတဲ့ သူ႕ရဲ႕ ေမာင္ငယ္ေလးကိုခ်ီျပီး ဘက္စ္ကား ဂိတ္မွာ ပိုက္ဆံလိုက္ေတာင္းေနတဲ့ျမင္ကြင္းကို ဓာတ္ပံုရိုက္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီျမင္ကြင္းဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ့အတြက္ မနက္တိုင္းျမင္ေနရေပမယ့္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွေတာ့မရိုးသြားပါဘူး။ ဒီလိုျမင္ကြင္းမ်ိဳး ျမင္ရရင္ ရင္ထဲက ကိုပိုနာလာတယ္။ ဒီအရြယ္ကေလးေလးေတြဟာ စာသင္ခန္းထဲမွာ ရွိရမယ့္အခ်ိန္၊ ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့ မိဘရဲ႕ ရင္ခြင္မွာ ရွိရမယ္အခ်ိန္မွာ အရြယ္နဲ႕ မလိုက္ေအာင္ကို ဒုကၡေတြ ခံစားေနရတယ္။ ဒီလိုကေလးေလးေတြဟာ ျမန္မာတစ္ႏုိင္ငံလံုးအေနနဲ႕မေျပာနဲ႕ စီးပြားေရးျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ေရႊျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ေဟာင္းမွာေတာင္ အမ်ားအျပားပါပဲ။ ဒီလိုကေလးေလးေတြရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ဟာ ဘယ္လိုရွိမလဲ…..? ေနာက္ျပီး သူတို႕ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ေနရတာလဲ…? ဒီလိုျဖစ္ရတာဟာေရာ ဘယ္သူ႕မွာတာ၀န္ရွိမလဲဗ်ာ….?
၁၀ႏွစ္အရြယ္ ကေလးငယ္ေလးတစ္ဦးက အရြယ္မေရာက္ေသးတဲ့ သူ႕ရဲ႕ ေမာင္ငယ္ေလးကိုခ်ီျပီး ဘက္စ္ကား ဂိတ္မွာ ပိုက္ဆံလိုက္ေတာင္းေနတဲ့ျမင္ကြင္းကို ဓာတ္ပံုရိုက္ခဲ့တာပါ။ ဒီျမင္ကြင္းဟာ ကၽြန္ေတာ့အတြက္ မနက္တိုင္းျမင္ေနရေပမယ့္ ဘယ္ေတာ့မွေတာ့မရိုးသြားပါဘူး။ ဒီလိုျမင္ကြင္းမ်ိဳး ျမင္ရရင္ ရင္ထဲက ကိုပိုနာလာတယ္။ ဒီအရြယ္ကေလးေလးေတြဟာ စာသင္ခန္းထဲမွာ ရွိရမယ့္အခ်ိန္၊ ေႏြးေထြးတဲ့ မိဘရဲ႕ ရင္ခြင္မွာ ရွိရမယ္အခ်ိန္မွာ အရြယ္နဲ႕ မလိုက္ေအာင္ကို ဒုကၡေတြ ခံစားေနရတယ္။ ဒီလိုကေလးေလးေတြဟာ ျမန္မာတစ္ႏုိင္ငံလံုးအေနနဲ႕မေျပာနဲ႕ စီးပြားေရးျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ ျဖစ္တဲ့ ရန္ကုန္ေရႊျမိဳ႕ေတာ္ေဟာင္းမွာေတာင္ အမ်ားအျပားပါပဲ။ ဒီလိုကေလးေလးေတြရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ဟာ ဘယ္လိုရွိမလဲ…..? ေနာက္ျပီး သူတို႕ဘာေၾကာင့္ ဒီလိုျဖစ္ေနရတာလဲ…? ဒီလိုျဖစ္ရတာဟာေရာ ဘယ္သူ႕မွာတာ၀န္ရွိမလဲဗ်ာ….?
....က်ေနာ္ဟာ ဒီကဗ်ာေလးနဲ႔ ပဲရွင္သန္ႀကိဳးစားေနတယ္......
[IF]
If you can keep your head when all about you
Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you
But make allowance for their doubting too,
If you can wait and not be tired by waiting,
Or being lied about, don't deal in lies,
Or being hated, don't give way to hating,
And yet don't look too good, nor talk too wise:
If you can dream--and not make dreams your master,
If you can think--and not make thoughts your aim;
If you can meet with Triumph and Disaster
And treat those two impostors just the same;
If you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken,
And stoop and build 'em up with worn-out tools:
If you can make one heap of all your winnings
And risk it all on one turn of pitch-and-toss,
And lose, and start again at your beginnings
And never breath a word about your loss;
If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew
To serve your turn long after they are gone,
And so hold on when there is nothing in you
Except the Will which says to them: "Hold on!"
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,
Or walk with kings--nor lose the common touch,
If neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you;
If all men count with you, but none too much,
If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it,
And--which is more--you'll be a Man, my son!
--Rudyard Kipling
If you can keep your head when all about you
Are losing theirs and blaming it on you,
If you can trust yourself when all men doubt you
But make allowance for their doubting too,
If you can wait and not be tired by waiting,
Or being lied about, don't deal in lies,
Or being hated, don't give way to hating,
And yet don't look too good, nor talk too wise:
If you can dream--and not make dreams your master,
If you can think--and not make thoughts your aim;
If you can meet with Triumph and Disaster
And treat those two impostors just the same;
If you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken
Twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools,
Or watch the things you gave your life to, broken,
And stoop and build 'em up with worn-out tools:
If you can make one heap of all your winnings
And risk it all on one turn of pitch-and-toss,
And lose, and start again at your beginnings
And never breath a word about your loss;
If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew
To serve your turn long after they are gone,
And so hold on when there is nothing in you
Except the Will which says to them: "Hold on!"
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue,
Or walk with kings--nor lose the common touch,
If neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you;
If all men count with you, but none too much,
If you can fill the unforgiving minute
With sixty seconds' worth of distance run,
Yours is the Earth and everything that's in it,
And--which is more--you'll be a Man, my son!
--Rudyard Kipling
Thank You Thailand!!!
Thank you Thailand and other orgs because of what I want to be!!!
ထိုင္းဆိုတာ ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ့္ေမြ႔ၾကတယ္၊ တစ္ျခားလူမ်ဳိးေတြနဲ႔ယွဥ္ရင္ ရန္လိုတဲ့စိတ္လည္း မရွိၾကဘူး၊ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ကေျပာၾကတယ္...
လူေနမွဳအဆင့္အတန္းျမင့္လာလို႔ပါလို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္....က်ေနာ္ေတာ့ အဲလိုမထင္မိပါ.....က်ေနာ္ သိမိခင္မိခဲ့တဲ့ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံသူ၊ ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြက စိတ္ထားသိမ့္ေမြ႕နဴးညံ့ၾကတယ္.....ရင္ထဲကကို ေက်းဇူးတင္မိတယ္....Thank You Thailand!!
ထိုင္းဆိုတာ ယဥ္ေက်းသိမ့္ေမြ႔ၾကတယ္၊ တစ္ျခားလူမ်ဳိးေတြနဲ႔ယွဥ္ရင္ ရန္လိုတဲ့စိတ္လည္း မရွိၾကဘူး၊ တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ကေျပာၾကတယ္...
လူေနမွဳအဆင့္အတန္းျမင့္လာလို႔ပါလို႔ ေျပာၾကတယ္....က်ေနာ္ေတာ့ အဲလိုမထင္မိပါ.....က်ေနာ္ သိမိခင္မိခဲ့တဲ့ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံသူ၊ ႏိုင္ငံသားေတြက စိတ္ထားသိမ့္ေမြ႕နဴးညံ့ၾကတယ္.....ရင္ထဲကကို ေက်းဇူးတင္မိတယ္....Thank You Thailand!!
Wednesday, March 12, 2008
Tuesday, March 11, 2008
Mon students, youth and monks oppose referendum
Tue 11 Mar 2008
Loa Htaw, IMNA
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=944
Mon university students, youth and monks have started distributing pamphlets opposing the Burmese military junta's referendum in Moulmein, Mon state, said local residents.
Spreading the word the dissidents are encouraging people to oppose the draft constitution without fear, said a township civil society youth leader.
"The pamphlet advocates opposing the referendum. If we do not oppose the referendum, the regime will continue in power and oppress the people. The government will be provided a license to repress the people further if the constitution is approved through a referendum," he said.
The pamphlets also urged the military regime to stop perpetrating violence and abusing people, he said.
The pamphlets have been distributed among monks, students and youth. But the distribution is not wide spread enough yet, he added.
The New Mon State Party (NMSP) has not supported the Burmese military government's constitutional process either. The regime had announced that the referendum will be held in May this year while elections would be held in 2010. The constitution effectively excludes ethnic groups and rules out a federation.
The NMSP believes Burma's political problems can only be solved through a tripartite dialogue which includes ethnic and opposition parties as well as the Burmese military government.
The Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) which contested in the Burma 1990 election also said the ensuing referendum and election is just to prolong and extend the junta's grip on power.
Loa Htaw, IMNA
http://www.monnews-imna.com/newsupdate.php?ID=944
Mon university students, youth and monks have started distributing pamphlets opposing the Burmese military junta's referendum in Moulmein, Mon state, said local residents.
Spreading the word the dissidents are encouraging people to oppose the draft constitution without fear, said a township civil society youth leader.
"The pamphlet advocates opposing the referendum. If we do not oppose the referendum, the regime will continue in power and oppress the people. The government will be provided a license to repress the people further if the constitution is approved through a referendum," he said.
The pamphlets also urged the military regime to stop perpetrating violence and abusing people, he said.
The pamphlets have been distributed among monks, students and youth. But the distribution is not wide spread enough yet, he added.
The New Mon State Party (NMSP) has not supported the Burmese military government's constitutional process either. The regime had announced that the referendum will be held in May this year while elections would be held in 2010. The constitution effectively excludes ethnic groups and rules out a federation.
The NMSP believes Burma's political problems can only be solved through a tripartite dialogue which includes ethnic and opposition parties as well as the Burmese military government.
The Mon National Democratic Front (MNDF) which contested in the Burma 1990 election also said the ensuing referendum and election is just to prolong and extend the junta's grip on power.
Monday, March 10, 2008
တိုင္းရင္းသား ၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႕မ်ား စစ္အာဏာရွင္ သက္စိုးရွည္ေရး ေျခခံဥပေဒ ဆႏၵခံယူပြဲကို မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီကဲ့သုိ႔ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ဆန္႔က်င္ၾက.....
......မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီဟာ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးယူထားေပမယ့္....မြန္ျပည္သူ လူထုအက်ဳိးအတြက္ အမွန္တကယ္ရပ္တည္တဲ့ အဖြဲ႕ျဖစ္တယ္.....နအဖ ရဲ႕ အေျခခံဥပေဒဆႏၵခံယူပြဲကို လုံး၀သေဘာမတူဘူး၊ သူတို႔ရဲ႕ သေဘာထားေၾကညာခ်က္ ထုတ္ျပန္ ၿပီးကန္႔ကြက္ေနၿပီ.....တျခားတိုင္းရင္းသားၿငိမ္းအဖြဲ႕မ်ားက မြန္ျပည္သစ္ ပါတီကဲ့သို႔ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား ဆန္႔က်င္ၾက.....
ဒီမွယူထားသည္
ဒီမွယူထားသည္
Sunday, March 9, 2008
၀ိဥာဥ္မ်ား၏ စက္တင္ဘာလ
Download ျပည္တြင္းထုတ္ ဒို႔ေခတ္ဂ်ာနယ္
ဂ်ဳိးျဖဴ ငွက္တစ္ေကာင္ လန္႔ျဖတ္ပ်ံေျပး
သံလြင္ခက္ကေလး ေႂကြရစ္ခဲ့
တကိုယ္လုံး ေသြးေတြလူးကာ
လူသားမ်ားစြာက ကႀကိဳးအတိုင္း
ငိုလာၾကတယ္။
ဆတ္ကနဲတုန္ခါသြားတဲ့ ကမၻာႀကီးရယ္
မ်က္ရည္ျမစ္ကို ရပ္တံ့လိုက္ေတာ့
အစာေပးပါ
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ခူးဆြတ္လိုတဲ့
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ေသခ်ာတယ္
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အမည္းပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္
လြပ္လတ္ခြင့္ကို ဆာေလာင္တယ္။ ။
ေက်ာ္ကိုကို
ဗကသမ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဴပ္
(တို႔ေခတ္ဂ်ာနယ္မွ)
ဂ်ဳိးျဖဴ ငွက္တစ္ေကာင္ လန္႔ျဖတ္ပ်ံေျပး
သံလြင္ခက္ကေလး ေႂကြရစ္ခဲ့
တကိုယ္လုံး ေသြးေတြလူးကာ
လူသားမ်ားစြာက ကႀကိဳးအတိုင္း
ငိုလာၾကတယ္။
ဆတ္ကနဲတုန္ခါသြားတဲ့ ကမၻာႀကီးရယ္
မ်က္ရည္ျမစ္ကို ရပ္တံ့လိုက္ေတာ့
အစာေပးပါ
ေရေပးပါ
အ၀တ္ေပးပါ
ေအာက္ဆီဂ်င္ေပးပါ
အသက္ခ်မ္းသာေပးပါ
အေရးတႀကီး အႏူးအညြတ္
ခူးဆြတ္လိုတဲ့
ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္း
တျခမ္းပဲရရေပးပါ
ေသခ်ာတယ္
လူ႔၀ိဥာဥ္ဆို အျဖဴပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္
အမည္းပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္
လြပ္လတ္ခြင့္ကို ဆာေလာင္တယ္။ ။
ေက်ာ္ကိုကို
ဗကသမ်ားအဖြဲ႕ခ်ဴပ္
(တို႔ေခတ္ဂ်ာနယ္မွ)
Thursday, March 6, 2008
Human Rights Day (Myanmar) and Vote-No Pamphlet (forwarding)
http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/news2008/March/march_07a_08.html
This is created by U Aung Thu San
This is created by U Aung Thu San
Wednesday, March 5, 2008
Monday, March 3, 2008
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